- 威尔逊行政学之研究中英对照版 A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z
威尔逊行政学之研究中英对照版
- 只要我们能够从根本原则上认识其在环境条件方面的全部根本差别，我们就能够完全和有益地引进他们的行政科学。我们仅需要用我们的宪法把它加以过滤，只需要把它放在批判的文火上烘烤，把其中的外国气体蒸馏掉。 We can borrow the science of administration with safety and profit if only we read all fundamental differences of condition into its essential tenets. We have only to filter it through our constitutions, only to put it over a slow fire of criticism and distil away its foreign gases. I know that there is a sneaking fear in some conscientiously patriotic minds that studies of European systems might signalize some foreign methods as better than some American methods; and the fear is easily to be understood. But it would scarcely be avowed in just any company.
- 重要的是人民主权。对于民主国家来说，组织行政管理要比君主国家困难得多。正是我们以往最心爱的政治成功的完美性本身困扰着我们。我们把公众舆论捧上了帝王的宝座，而在公共舆论的统治下面，我们如果要想使主权者在执行任务的熟练技巧方面或者在使政府职能达到完美的平衡状态方面，接受任何速成的训练，那是不可能的。也正是我们充分地实现了人民的统治这一事实本身，使得“组织”这种人民统治的工作变得更加困难了。总而言之，为了取得任何进展，我们必须对于叫做公共舆论的由民众组成的君主进行训练和劝说——这跟影响叫做国王的单一君主比较起来，是一桩可行性极小的工作。一个单一的统治者有可能采纳某一个简单的决策并且立即加以执行。他只可能有一种意见，并且他将使这种单一的意见包含在单一的命令之中。可是另一种统治者即全体人民却可能具有一大堆不同的意见。他们不能简单地在任何事情上取得一致。进步必须通过妥协，通过把不同的意见调和起来，通过一系列反复修改的计划和非常直截了当的原则的抑制作用才能够取得。这就需要有贯穿了许多年中的持久不断的决心，需要有体现在一整套修正方案中的断断续续的命令。 Well, principally, popular sovereignty. It is harder for democracy to organize administration than for monarchy. The very completeness of our most cherished political successes in the past embarrasses us. We have enthroned public opinion; and it is forbidden us to hope during its reign for any quick schooling of the sovereign in executive expertness or in the conditions of perfect functional balance in government. The very fact that we have realized popular rule in its fullness has made the task of organizaing that rule just so much the more difficult. In order to make any advance at all we must instruct and persuade a multitudinous monarch called public opinion,-a much less feasible undertaking than to influence a single monarch called a king. An individual sovereign will adopt a simple plan and carry it out directly: he will have but one opinion, and he will embody that one opinion in one command. But this other sovereign, the people, will have a score of differing opinions. They can agree upon nothing simple: advance must be made through compromise, by a compounding of differences, by a trimming of plans and a suppression of too straightforward principles. There will be a succession of resolves running through a course of years, a dropping fire of commands running through the whole gamut of modifications.
- 那么，究竟有些什么因素正起着阻碍作用呢？ What, then, is there to prevent?
- 在任何地方，当尊重舆论被当作政府的最高原则时，其实际改革必然是缓慢的，并且一切改革都必然是充满妥协的。因为在任何地方，只要存在着公共舆论，它就必然起统治作用。这是当前半个世界所承认的公理，甚至在俄国这个公理现在也将会被人们所信奉。任何人如果想要在一个现代立宪制的政府中实行某种改革，他就必须首先教育他的公民同胞，使之感到需要有“某种”改革。在这之后，他必须说服他们愿意进行他所主张的那种改革。他必须首先使得公共舆论愿意听取意见，紧接着就务必作到使舆论愿意听取正确的意见。他必须鼓动舆论，使之起而寻求某种意见。然后经过安排，把正确的意见摆在舆论前进的道路上。 Wherever regard for public opinion is a first principle of government, practical reform must be slow and all reform must be full of compromises. For wherever public opinion exists it must rule. This is now an axiom half the world over, and will presently come to be believed even in Russia. Whoever would effect a change in a modern constitutional government must first educate his fellow-citizens to want some change. That done, he must persuade them to want the particular change he wants. He must first make public opinion willing to listen and then see to it that it listen to the right things. He must stir it up to search for an opinion, and then manage to put the right opinion in its way.
- 它为什么姗姗来迟？它为什么直到我们这个忙的几乎注意不到它的世纪才出现？行政机关是政府最明显的部分，它是行动中的政府；它是政府的执行者，是政府的操作者，是政府的最显露的方面，当然，它的历程也和政府一样悠久。它是行动中的政府，人们很自然地希望看到政治学的论著者在系统思想史的很早时期即已引起对行动中的政府的注意，并激发他们进行仔细的研究。 Why was it so late in coming? Why did it wait till this too busy century of ours to demand attention for itself? Administration is the most obvious part of government; it is government in action; it is the executive, the operative, the most visible side of government, and is of course as old as government itself. It is government in action, and one might very naturally expect to find that government in action had arrested the attention and provoked the scrutiny of writers of politics very early in the history of systematic thought.
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