- 威尔逊行政学之研究中英对照版 A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z
威尔逊行政学之研究中英对照版
- 政治哲学采取这种方向，当然不是一种意外现象，不是出于政治哲学家的偶然性偏爱或反常行为。正如黑格尔所说的，任何时代的哲学“都只不过是抽象思维所表现的那个时代的精神。”而政治哲学也和其它任何种类的哲学一样，只不过是举起了反映当代事务的一面镜子。在很早的时代，麻烦的事情几乎都出在政府结构方面。因此，结构问题就成为吸引人们思考的焦点。当时，在行政管理方面很少或完全没有遇到麻烦问题，至少没有引起行政官员注意的问题。那时候政府的职能很简单，因为生活本身就很简单。政府靠行政命令行事，驱使着人们，从来没有想到过要征询人们的意见。那时候没有使财政人员感到麻烦的公共收入和公债的复杂制度，因此也并不存在感到此种麻烦的财政人员。所有掌握权力的人员都不会对怎样运用权力长期茫然不解。唯一重大的问题是：谁将掌握权力？全体居民只不过是处于管辖之下的人群；财产的种类很少，当时农庄很多，但却没有股票和债券；牲口远比既得利益集团的数目多。 That political philosophy took this direction was of course no accident, no chance preference or perverse whim of political philosophers. The philosophy of any time is, as Hegel says, ""nothing but the spirit of that time expressed in abstract thought""; and political philosophy, like philosophy of every other kind, has only held up the mirror to contemporary affairs. The trouble in early times was almost altogether about the constitution of government; and consequently that was what engrossed men’s thoughts. There was little or no trouble about administration,-at least little that was heeded by administrators. The functions of government were simple, because life itself was simple. Government went about imperatively and compelled men, without thought of consulting their wishes. There was no complex system of public revenues and public debts to puzzle financiers; there were, consequently, no financiers to be puzzled. No one who possessed power was long at a loss how to use it. The great and only question was: Who shall possess it? Populations were of manageable numbers; property was of simple sorts. There were plenty of farms, but no stocks and bonds: more cattle than vested interests.
- 因此，英国民族长期而成功地研究了抑制行政权力的艺术，因而却经常忽视了改善行政方法的艺术。他们在更多的程度上是训练自己去控制而不是加强政府。他们较关心的是使政府变得公正、温和而不是使它变得简捷、有秩序和高效率。英国和美国的政治史不是一部发展行政管理的历史，而是一部关心立法工作的历史——不是改进政府组织，而是制定法律和政治评论的历史。因此，我们正处在这样一个时期，即对于我们这个长时期背着制定宪法的种种习惯的包袱的政府来说，它的健康迫切需要有关行政管理的研究和创造来加以保护。从建立基本原则的角度来说，制定宪法的时期实际上已经结束，但是我们却无法摆脱它的影响。当我们应该进行创造的时候，我们却继续进行政治评论。我们已经到达了我前述的三个时期中的第三个时期——即这样一个时期：人民经过前一时期与专制权力的斗争，为自己赢得了宪法，他们必须发展行政管理以与这种宪法相适应。可是，我们对于这种新时期的工作却毫无准备。尽管从政治自由的角度，特别是从政治实践的艺术和才干的角度说，我们拥有巨大的优势。然而却有那样多的国家在行政组织和行政艺术方面都走在我们前面。当我们对于这种事实感到极度惊讶时，上述情况为这种惊讶提供了唯一的解释。例如，为什么我们才刚刚开始纯洁我们那足足腐败了50年的行政机构？如果认为是奴隶制度使我们迷失了方向，那就只不过是重复我所曾经说过的老话——即我们制度中的缺陷耽误了自己。 The English race, consequently, has long and successfully studied the art of curbing executive power to the constant neglect of the art of perfecting executive methods. It has exercised itself much more in controlling than in energizing government. It has been more concerned to render government just and moderate than to make it facile, well-ordered, and effective. English and American political history has been a history, not of administrative development, but of legislative oversight,-not of progress in governmental organization, but of advance in law-making and political criticism. Consequently, we have reached a time when administrative study and creation are imperatively necessary to the well-being of our governments saddled with the habits of a long period of constitution-making. That period has practically closed, so far as the establishment of essential principles is concerned, but we cannot shake off its atmosphere. We go on criticizing when we ought to be creating. We have reached the third of the periods I have mentioned,-the period, namely, when the people have to develop administration in accordance with the constitutions they won for themselves in a previous period of struggle with absolute power; but we are not prepared for the tasks of the new period. Such an explanation seems to afford the only escape from blank astonishment at the fact that, in spite of our vast advantages in point of political liberty, and above all in point of practical political skill and sagacity, so many nations are ahead of us in administrative organization and administrative skill. Why, for instance, have we but just begun purifying a civil service which was rotten full fifty years ago? To say that slavery diverted us is but to repeat what I have said—that flaws in our constitution delayed us.
- 第一步与第二步相比较几乎是同样困难。对于舆论来说，掌握它的人总是占绝对优势的，而要改变舆论则几乎是不可能的。各种制度在第一代人看来，只不过是似乎可以实现某种原则的权之计。下一代则把它尊崇为有最大可能实现这一原则的近似办法。而再下一代则把它崇拜为这一原则本身。几乎并不需要三代人就酿成了这种神化现象；作孙子的常把他祖父犹疑不定的试验看成是大自然固有结构的一个不可分割的部分。 The first step is not less difficult than the second. With opinions, possession is more than nine points of the law. It is next to impossible to dislodge them. Institutions which one generation regards as only a makeshift approximation to the realization of a principle, the next generation honors as the nearest possible approximation to that principle, and the next worships the principle itself. It takes scarcely three generations for the apotheosis. The grandson accepts his grandfather’s hesitating experiment as an integral part of the fixed constitution of nature.
- 我们的理想模式是通过某种方式建立一个有文化教养和自立精神的文官制度，它完全能够有理智有力量地展开活动，同时与公众的思想保持着非常紧密的联系。这种方式就是选举和经常性的公开协商，它可以彻底排除武断和阶级态度。 The ideal for us is a civil service cultured and self-sufficient enough to act with sense and vigor, and yet so intimately connected with the popular thought, by means of elections and constant public counsel, as to find arbitrariness of class spirit quite out of the question.
- 行政管理研究的目的就在于把行政方法从经验性实验的混乱和浪费中拯救出来，并使它们深深植根于稳定的原则之上。 The object of administrative study is to rescue executive methods from the confusion and costliness of empirical experiment and set them upon foundations laid deep in stable principle.
- 问题在于应该使公众舆论具有效力，而我们又免遭它的好管闲事之苦。当公众评论直接关注政府的日常琐事和政府对日常工作方法的选择时，它当然会像是一个笨拙讨厌的家伙，像是一个乡下人在操纵一部难以驾驶的机器。但是无论是在政治还是在行政方面，当对制定基本政策的更为巨大的力量进行监督时，公众的批评则是完全安全而且有益的，是完全不可缺少的。应该让行政学研究会发现一些最佳方法，这些方法能够给予公众评论这种控制监督的权力，同时使之与一切其它的干扰活动分离。 The problem is to make public opinion efficient without suffering it to be meddlesome. Directly exercised, in the oversight of the daily details and in the choice of the daily means of government, public criticism is of course a clumsy nuisance, a rustic handling delicate machinery. But as superintending the greater forces of formative policy alike in politics and administration, public criticism is altogether safe and beneficent, altogether indispensable. Let administrative study find the best means for giving public criticism this control and for shutting it out from all other interference.
- 因此，由拿破仑所重新建立的法国行政管理，是我所要列举的第二个例子。这种管理在宪政时代的曙光到来之前，通过极权统治者的个人意志使行政机制达到完善。从来不曾有过一种共同的和大众化的意志能够做出像拿破仑下令所做出的那种安排。这些安排作得是如此简明，它们打破了地区偏见；如此合乎逻辑，在其影响方面符合大众的选择。这些安排是可以由制宪会议颁布的，但是只有通过一个专制君主的无限权力才能够确立起来。共和八年的行政制度是严厉无情的，然而又是彻底和完备的。并且从很大程度上说，这是已经被推翻了的专制主义的一种复归。 The recasting of French administration by Napoleon is, therefore, my second example of the perfecting of civil machinery by the single will of an absolute ruler before the dawn of a constitutional era. No corporate, popular will could ever have effected arrangements such as those which Napoleon commanded. Arrangements so simple at the expense of local prejudice, so logical in their indifference to popular choice, might be decreed by a Constituent Assembly, but could be established only by the unlimited authority of a despot. The system of the year VIII was ruthlessly thorough and heartlessly perfect. It was, besides, in large part, a return to the despotism that had been overthrown.
- 准确的答案似乎是：公共舆论将起权威性评判家的作用。 The right answer seems to be, that public opinion shall play the part of authoritative critic.
- 一、行政科学是已在两手两百年前开始出现的政治科学研究的最新成果。它是本世纪，几乎就是我们这一代的产物。 The science of administration is the latest fruit of that study of the science of politics which was begun some twenty-two hundred years ago. It is a birth of our own century, almost of our own generation.
- 行政学之研究 威尔逊 The Study of Administration Woodrow Wilson
- 当前在我们这个国家，有一种普及政治教育的值得赞叹的运动正在进行之中。在缺乏一个师资配备良好的政治科学讲座的条件下，没有一所有威望的大学可以兴办下去。这样～种时刻即将到来，即通过这种方式进行的教育只能够达到某种深度。它将会使对政府的明智的批评大量增加，但决不会培育出一大批能干的行政管理人员；它将为发展对政府的一般原则的准确理解做好准备，但是它却不一定会对管理政府的技能有所促进。这是一种有可能培养出立法人员、但却不能培养出行政官员的教育。如果我们要想改进这种作为政府推动力量的公众舆论，我们就必须准备一批更好的官员以充当政府的“工具”。如果我们要添置新的锅炉并且加大推动我们政府机器的炉火，我们就必须使旧的轮子、接头、阀门和皮带等，在新力量的推动下尽可能不发出嘎吱嘈杂的声音。无论哪里要补充动力或需要进行调整，我们就必须安上新的运转部件。为了建立民主制度必须对文职机关的人员进行竞争性考试，这些人员已为接受技术知识方面的各种形式的考试做了充分的准备。一支在技术上受过训练的文官队伍不久即将成为不可缺少的因素。 There is an admirable movement towards universal political education now afoot in this country. The time will soon come when no college of respectability can afford to do without a well-filled chair of political science. But the education thus imparted will go but a certain length. It will multiply the number of intelligent critics of government, but it will create no component body of administrators. It will prepare the way for the development of a sure-footed understanding of the general principles of government, but it will not necessarily foster skill in conducting government. It is an education which will equip legislators, perhaps, but not executive officials. If we are to improve public opinion, which is the motive power of government, we must prepare better officials as the apparatus of government. If we are to put in new boilers and to mend the fires which drive our governmental machinery, we must not leave the old wheels and joints and valves and bands to creak and buzz and clatter on as best they may at bidding of the new force. We must put in new running parts wherever there is the least lack of strength or adjustment. It will be necessary to organize democracy by sending up to the competitive examinations for the civil service men definitely prepared for standing liberal tests as to technical knowledge. A technically schooled civil service will presently have become indispensable. I know that a corps of civil servants prepared by a special schooling and drilled, after appointment, into a perfected organization, with appropriate hierarchy and characteristic discipline, seems to a great many very thoughtful persons to contain elements which might combine to make an offensive official class,- a distinct, semi-corporate body with sympathies divorced from those of a progressive, free-spirited people, and with hearts narrowed to the meanness of a bigoted officialism. Certainly such a class would be altogether hateful and harmful in the United States. Any measure calculated to produce it would for us be measures of reaction and of folly.
- 还有另外一种区别必须把它写进我们的结论里去，这虽然只不过是政治与行政之间区别的另一个侧面，但却是很不容易发觉的。我指的是“宪法问题”和行政管理问题之间的区别，也就是那种必须适合宪法原则所作的政府调整和那种仅仅为了灵活适应上的方便，对于可以改变的目标所作的政府调整这两者之间的区别。 There is another distinction which must be worked into all our conclusions, which, though but another side of that between administration and politics, is not quite so easy to keep sight of: I mean the distinction between constitutional and administrative questions, between those governmental adjustments which are essential to constitutional principle and those which are merely instrumental to the possibly changing purposes of a wisely adapting convenience.
- 没有任何一种政府职责现在没有变得复杂起来，它们当初曾经是很简单的，政府曾经只有少数支配者，而现在却有大批的支配者。大多数人以前仅仅听命于政府，现在他们却指导着政府。在有些国家，政府曾经对朝廷唯命是从，而现在却必须遵从全民的意见。 There is scarcely a single duty of government which was once simple which is not now complex; government once had but a few masters; it now has scores of masters. Majorities formerly only underwent government; they now conduct government. Where government once might follow the whims of a court, it must now follow the views of a nation.
- 有关政府活动的大规模计划并不属于行政管理范围。因此，宪法所要认真过问的只是政府用以控制一般性法律的那些手段，我们的联邦宪法遵循这一原则。其表现方式是对于即使是最高层次的纯粹执行机关也不置一词，而是对联邦总统做出规定。因为他是要参与行使政府的立法和决策的，只是对最高司法部门的那些法官做出规定，因为他们的职责在解释和保卫宪法原则，而不涉及那些仅仅陈述这些原则的人们。 There is, indeed, one point at which administrative studies trench on constitutional ground—or at least upon what seems constitutional ground. The study of administration, philosophically viewed, is closely connected with the study of the proper distribution of constitutional authority. To be efficient it must discover the simplest arrangements by which responsibility can be unmistakably fixed upon officials; the best way of dividing authority without hampering it, and responsibility without obscuring it. And this question of the distribution of authority, when taken into the sphere of the higher, the originating functions of government, it is obviously a central constitutional question. If administrative study can discover the best principles upon which to base such distribution, it will have done constitutional study an invaluable service. Montesquieu did not, I am convinced, say the last word on this head.
- 地方自治与联邦自治之间的这种交叉关系是一个崭新的概念。这与德意志的帝国联邦结构并不相同。那里的地方政府还不是充分的地方“自治”政府。在那里每一个地方，官僚都很忙碌。他们的效率来自“团体精神”，来自想表现对于上级权力的阿谀奉承的服从，或者从最好的角度说，来自易受感动的良心的土壤。他肯效力，但不是为民众，而是为一个不负责任的部长。我们面前的问题是，要使政府官员经常感兴趣的是尽他的才智做最大的努力，用他的良心做最大的服务，不仅为他的上级而且为他的社会尽力。我们的政府及其各级政府怎样才能通过给予政府官员大量生活费用补助，来使这种服务引起他最普遍的兴趣？怎样才能通过发展他的前程，使这种服务成为他最珍视的兴趣？怎样才能通过提高他的营养和培养他的性格，使这种服务成为他最崇高的兴趣呢？并且，我们怎样才能够使得地方单位以及全国都同样达到这种程度呢？ This interlacing of local self-government with federal self-government is quite a modern conception. It is not like the arrangements of imperial federation in Germany. There local government is not yet, fully, local self-government. The bureaucrat is everywhere busy. His efficiency springs out of esprit de corps, out of care to make ingratiating obeisance to the authority of a superior, or at best, out of the soil of a sensitive conscience. He serves, not the public, but an irresponsible minister. The question for us is, how shall our series of governments within governments be so administered that it shall always be to the interest of the public officer to serve, not his superior alone but the community also, with the best efforts of his talents and the soberest service of his conscience? How shall such service be made to his commonest interest by contributing abundantly to his sustenance, to his dearest interest by furthering his ambition, and to his highest interest by advancing his honor and establishing his character? And how shall this be done alike for the local part and for the national whole?
- 这是高层权力的区划界限，著名的德国学者们坚持这一观点并认为是理所当然的事情。例如布隆赤里就叮嘱我们要把行政管理与政治和法律同样地区别开来。他说，政治是“在重大而且带普遍性的事项”方面的国家活动，而“在另一方面”，“行政管理”则是“国家在个别和细微事项方面的活动。因此，政治是政治家的特殊活动范围，而行政管理则是技术性职员的事情”。“政策如果没有行政管理的帮助就将一事无成”，但行政管理并不因此就是政治。然而我们在采取这一立场时并不需要求助于德国人的权威，很幸运的是行政和政治的这种区别现在已是极为明显，并不需要作进一步的讨论。 This is distinction of high authority; eminent German writers insist upon it as of course. Bluntschli, for instance, bids us separate administration alike from politics and from law. Politics, he says, is state activity ""in things great and universal"", while ""administration, on the other hand,"" is ""the activity of the state in individual and small things. Politics is thus the special province of the statesman, administration of the technical official."" ""Policy does nothing without the aid of administration""; but administration is not therefore politics. But we do not require German authority for this position; this discrimination between administration and politics is now, happily, too obvious to need further discussion.
- 对于宪法和行政职能二者在管辖范围之间的差别有了清楚的认识之后，理应不会再留下产生误解的余地，并且有可能提出某些基本上可以确定的标准来，而上述清楚的认识是能够建立在这种标准之上的。公共行政就是公法的明细而系统的执行活动。一般法律的每一次具体实施都是一种行政行为。例如，有关捐税的征收和增加，罪犯的处以绞刑，邮件的运输和投递，陆海军的征募和装备等等，、显然都属于行政行为。然而指导这些应予进行的工作的一般性法律，却显然是在行政管理之外和行政管理之上的。 This is not quite the distinction between Will and answering Deed, because the administrator should have and does have a will of his own in the choice of means for accomplishing his work. He is not and ought not to be a mere passive instrument. The distinction is between general plans and special means.
- 这就是当前必须认真和系统地调整行政工作使之适合于仔细试验过的政策标准的原因。我们现在所以正产生一种前所未有的行政科学，原因也在这里。关于宪政原则的重要论战甚至到现在还远没有得出结论，但是在实用性方面它们已不再比行政管理问题更突出。执行一部宪法变得比制定一部宪法更要困难得多。 This is the reason why administrative tasks have nowadays to be so studiously and systematically adjusted to carefully tested standards of policy, the reason why we are having now what we never had before, a science of administration. The weightier debates of constitutional principle are even yet by no means concluded; but they are no longer of more immediate practical moment than questions of administration. It is getting to be harder to run a constitution than to frame one.
- 这就是为什么应该有一门行政科学的原因，它将力求使政府不走弯路，使政府专心处理公务减少闲杂事务，加强和纯洁政府的组织机构，为政府的尽职尽责带来美誉。这就是为什么会有这一门科学的原因之一。但是这门科学是在什么地方成长起来的呢？肯定不是在海洋的这一边。在我们的行政实践中不可能发现很多公平的科学方法。市政府中的污浊气氛、州行政当局的幕后交易，以及在华盛顿政府机构中屡见不鲜的杂乱无章、人浮于事和贪污腐化，都使我们决不相信到目前为止，关于建立良好行政管理的任何明确观念已在美国广泛流行。没有，美国的学者们迄今为止并没有在这门科学的发展中发挥很重要的作用。行政学的博士都产生在欧洲。这门科学并不是我们的创造，它是一门外来的科学，很少使用英国式或美国式的语言规则。它所使用的仅仅是外国腔调。它表述的只是与我们的思想迥然不同的观念。它的目标、事例和条件，几乎都是以外国民族的历史、外国制度的惯例和外国革命的教训为根据的。它是由法国和德国的教授们发展起来的，因此，其各个组成部分是与一个组织严密的国家的需要相适应的，并且是为了适应高度集权的政府形式而建立起来的。因此，为了与我们的目的相符，对它必须进行调整，使之适合于权力高度分散的政府形式建立起来。如果我们要应用这种科学，我们必须使之美国化，不只是从形式上或仅仅从语言上美国化，而是必须在思想、原则和目标方面从根本上加以美国化。它必须从内心深处认识我们的制度，必须把官僚主义的热病从血管中加以排除，必须多多吸入美国的自由空气。 This is why there should be a science of administration which shall seek to straighten the paths of government, to make its business less unbusinesslike, to strengthen and purify its organization, and to crown its duties with dutifulness. This is one reason why there is such a science. But where has this science grown up? Surely not on this side the sea. Not much impartial scientific method is to be discerned in our administrative practices. The poisonous atmosphere of city government, the crooked secrets of state administration, the confusion, sinecurism, and corruption ever and again discovered in the bureaux at Washington forbid us to believe that any clear conceptions of what constitutes good administration are as yet very widely current in the United States. No; American writers have hitherto taken no very important part in the advancement of this science. It has found its doctors in Europe. It is not of our making; it is a foreign science, speaking very little of the language of English or American principle. It employs only foreign tongues; it utters none but what are to our minds alien ideas. Its aims, its examples, its conditions, are almost exclusively grounded in the histories of foreign races, in the precedents of foreign systems, in the lessons of foreign revolutions. It has been developed by French and German professors, and is consequently in all parts adapted to the needs of a compact state, and made to fit highly centralized forms of government; whereas, to answer our purposes, it must be adapted, not to a simple and compact, but to a complex and multiform state, and made to fit highly decentralized forms of government. If we would employ it, we must Americanize it, and that not formally, in language merely, but radically, in thought, principle, and aim as well. It must learn our constitutions by heart; must get the bureaucratic fever out of its veins; must inhale much free American air.
- 有一些现在行政实践方面成为表率的政府，在现代政治的曙光照临之时，它们的统治者依然享有绝对权力却同时又很开明。在那里除了瞎子之外，所有人都很清楚地知道，正当说来统治者只不过是被统治者的仆人。在这样的政府当中，行政管理是按照为促进公共福利的目的而组织起来的，并且具有仅仅完成单一意志所规定的任务才可能具有的那种简便和效率。 Those governments are now in the lead in administrative practice which had rulers still absolute but also enlightened when those modern days of political illumination came in which it was made evident to all but the blind that governors are properly only the servants of the governed. In such governments administration has been organized to subserve the general weal with the simplicity and effectiveness vouchsafed only to the undertakings of a single will.
- 这并不完全是“意志”与相应“行动”之间的区别，因为行政官员在为了完成其任务而选择手段时，应该有而且也的确有他自己的意志，他不是而且也不应该是一种纯粹被动的工具。这是一般决策和特殊手段之间的区别。的确，在下述这个问题上行政研究侵犯了宪法的领域——或者至少是侵犯了那种似乎属于宪法的领域。从哲学的角度看，行政学的研究与适当分配宪法权力的研究密切相关。为了获得办事效率，必须找到一种极为简便的安排。通过这种安排，可以使官员准确无误地承担责任。必须找到不给权力带来损害的最佳分权方式，找到不会导致责任模糊的最佳责任分担方式。而这种分权问题，当其被引入政府的高层和根本职能这一范围时，就显然是一个重要的宪法问题了。如果行政学之研究能够找到作为这种分权办法之基础的最佳准则，那么它就等于为宪法研究做出了不可估量的贡献。我坚信在这个问题上面，孟德斯鸠的意见并不是最后的结论。跟在其它制度之下相比较，也许在民主制度下面，找出分权的最佳准则显得尤为重要。因为在民主制度之下，官员们为许多主人服务；而在其它制度下面，他们仅仅为少数人服务。一切统治者对其臣仆都是怀疑的，而作为主权者的全体人民也完全符合这一规律，决不例外。但是人民的怀疑怎样才能通过具有“知识”而得以减少呢？如果这种怀疑仅仅由于提高明智的警惕性就能够加以澄清，那它将是完全有益的；如果这种警惕性能够通过对责任进行准确无误的分配而有所加强，那它也将完全是善良的。无论是在私人或公众的头脑中，怀疑这种思想本身绝对是健康的东西。在人生一切关系当中，“信赖就是力量”，并且正如合同宪法改革者的任务在于创造信赖条件一样，行政管理组织者的任务也在于使行政管理与职责分明这一条件相适应，因为职责分明能够保证人们产生信赖感。 To discover the best principle for the distribution of authority is of greater importance, possibly, under a democratic system, where officials serve many masters, than under others where they serve but a few. All sovereigns are suspicious of their servants, and the sovereign people is no exception to the rule; but how is its suspicion to be allayed by knowledge? If that suspicion could but be clarified into wise vigilance, it would be altogether salutary; if that vigilance could be aided by the unmistakable placing of responsibility, it would be altogether beneficent. Suspicion in itself is never healthful either in the private or in the public mind. Trust is strength in all relations of life; and, as it is the office of the constitutional reformer to create conditions of trustfulness, so it is the office of the administrative organizer to fit administration with conditions of clear-cut responsibility which shall insure trustworthiness.
- 就在这一点上，我们便很显然地进入到了一个问题更为重大的领域之中，这问题便是公共舆论与行政管理之间的正常关系。官员们值得信任的品德应该向什么人披露呢？官员们关心公众究竟是不是为了取得他所应得的颂扬和加速晋升呢？或者仅仅是为了做给他机关里的上级看的呢？人民是否应该动员起来解决行政纪律问题，正如同他们已经动员来解决宪法原则问题一样呢？这类问题显然毫无疑问是立足于本文全部研究内容中最基本问题就是：在行政管理活动当中，群众舆论将起什么作用？ To whom is official trustworthiness to be disclosed, and by whom is it to be rewarded? Is the official to look to the public for his meed of praise and his push of promotion, or only to his superior in office? Are the people to be called in to settle administrative discipline as they are called in to settle constitutional principles? These questions evidently find their root in what is undoubtedly the fundamental problem of this whole study. That problem is: What part shall public opinion take in the conduct of administration?
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