- 威尔逊行政学之研究中英对照版 A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z
威尔逊行政学之研究中英对照版
- 我曾经说过，这一切都是“早期时代”的真实情况。在相对较晚的时期，这些情况也基本上是真实的。人们无需追溯到上一个世纪去探寻目前贸易上的复杂性和使人困惑的商业投机行为是怎样产生的，也无需这样做来了解国家公债是怎样奇异地诞生的。毫无疑问，仁慈的贝斯女王曾经认为16世纪的垄断资本极难驾驭，要想不烫伤她的手指是不可能的。但是在19世纪庞大的垄断资本面前，已不再有人记得这些话了。当布莱克斯通“哀叹地说，公司企业既无躯体可让你敲打，又无灵魂可供你谴责时，他早在整整一个世纪之前就预见到了这种令人遗憾现象的准确时间。经常扰乱工业社会的老板和工人之间的长期冲突，在黑死病和劳工法出现之前就已开始存在了。但是在我们的这个时代到来之前，它们从来没有像今天这样显示不祥之兆。简言之，如果在以往许多世纪中可以看到政府活动方面的困难在不断聚集起来，那么在我们所处的世纪则可以看到这些困难正在累积到顶点。 I have said that all this was true of ""early times""; but it was substantially true also of comparatively late times. One does not have to look back of the last century for the beginnings of the present complexities of trade and perplexities of commercial speculation, nor for the portentous birth of national debts. Good Queen Bess, doubtless, thought that the monopolies of the sixteenth century were hard enough to handle without burning her hands; but they are not remembered in the presence of the giant monopolies of the nineteenth century. When Blackstone lamented that corporations had no bodies to be kicked and no souls to be damned, he was anticipating the proper time for such regrets by a full century. The perennial discords between master and workmen which now so often disturb industrial society began before the Black Death and the Statute of Laborers; but never before our own day did they assume such ominous proportions as they wear now. In brief, if difficulties of governmental action are to be seen gathering in other centuries, they are to be seen culminating in our own.
- 我认为任何一门实用科学，在没有必要了解它时，不会有人去研究它。因此，如果我们需要以某种事实来论证这种情况的话；著名的行政学实用科学正在进入我国高等学校课程的事实本身；则证明我们国家需要更多地了解行政学。然而，在此无需说明，我们并非要调查高校教学计划来证明这一事实。目前人们称为文官制度改革的运动在实现了它的第一个目标之后，不仅在人事方面，而且在政府机构的组织和方法方面都必须为继续扩大改革努力，这是我们大家几乎都承认的事实，因为政府机构的组织和方法同其人事问题一样需要进行改进，这一点已经十分明显。行政学研究的目标在于了解：首先，政府能够适当地和成功地进行什么工作。其次，政府怎样才能以尽可能高的效率及在费用或能源方面用尽可能少的成本完成这些适当的工作。在这两个问题上，我们显然更需要得到启示，只有认真进行研究才能提供这种启示。 I suppose that no practical science is ever studied where there is no need to know it. The very fact, therefore, that the eminently practical science of administration is finding its way into college courses in this country would prove that this country needs to know more about administration, were such proof of the fact required to make out a case. It need not be said, however, that we do not look into college programmes for proof of this fact. It is a thing almost taken for granted among us, that the present movement called civil service reform must, after the accomplishment of its first purpose, expand into efforts to improve, not the personnel only, but also the organization and methods of our government offices: because it is plain that their organizations and methods need improvement only less than their personnel. It is the object of administrative study to discover, first, what government can properly and successfully do, and, secondly, how it can do these proper things with the utmost possible efficiency and at the least possible cost either of money or of energy. On both these points there is obviously much need of light among us; and only careful study can supply that light.
- l．考虑其他人在此领域中所做过的研究。即是说，考虑这种研究的历史。 I. To take some account of what others have done in the same line; that is to say, of the history of the study.
- 这一显然如此容易使一切政府都能得到好处的科学，为什么首先是在欧洲受到重视呢？在欧洲跟在英国和美国不同，其政府长期以来属于垄断性；而在美国，其政府长期以来只是享有一种公共性质的授权。如果有人想要找到一种解释，他毫无疑问将会发现其原因是双重的：首先，在欧洲，正因为政府不依赖国民的同意，它所要做的更多的工作是统治；其次，想使政府保持垄断地位的愿望，使那些垄断者对于发现尽可能不激怒民众的统治方法深感兴趣。此外，这些垄断者人数甚少，便于迅速采取各种手段。 If an explanation be sought why a science manifestly so susceptible of being made useful to all governments alike should have received attention first in Europe, where government has long been a monopoly, rather than in England or the United States, where government has long been a common franchise, the reason will doubtless be found to be twofold: first, that in Europe, just because government was independent of popular assent, there was more governing to be done; and, second, that the desire to keep government a monopoly made the monopolists interested in discovering the least irritating means of governing. They were, besides, few enough to adopt means promptly.
- 如果我们解决了这个问题，我们就将再度掌握世界的航向。现在有一种倾向——难道不存在这样一种倾向吗？——一种现在还很模糊、但是已经在稳步地增加影响，并且显然预定是要取得支配地位的倾向。这倾向首先是出现在像大不列颠帝国这类有许多部分所组成的联邦，而最后则是出现在一些大国本身，将会出现具有在可以允许的限度内实行分权的广泛联盟来取代集权化。这是一种走向美国式类型的倾向——一种为了追求共同目标而建立政府与政府之间联系的趋势，这种联系是建立在诚信的平等和光荣的隶属基础之上的。到处都有类似的公民自由的原则在促进类似的政府手段的发展。如果对政府管理方式和手段的比较研究将会使我们提出一些建议，使得上述各种政府在行政管理方面实际上把公开性和活力结合在一起，并且准备接受一切严肃的得到广泛支持的公众批评，那么这种比较研究就将使自已有资格进入政治研究的最高级和最有成果的重大分支学科的行列之中。我满怀信心地希望这种研究将会从这样的建议中成长起来。 If we solve this problem we shall again pilot the world. There is a tendency—is there not?— a tendency as yet dim, but already steadily impulsive and clearly destined to prevail, towards, first the confederation of parts of empires like the British, and finally of great states themselves. Instead of centralization of power, there is to be wide union with tolerated divisions of prerogative. This is a tendency towards the American type—of governments joined with governments for the pursuit of common purposes, in honorary equality and honorable subordination. Like principles of civil liberty are everywhere fostering like methods of government; and if comparative studies of the ways and means of government should enable us to offer suggestions which will practicably combine openness and vigor in the administration of such governments with ready docility to all serious, well-sustained public criticism, they will have approved themselves worthy to be ranked among the highest and most fruitful of the great departments of political study. That they will issue in such suggestions I confidently hope.
- 2．确定这种研究的课题是什么。 II. To ascertain just what is its subject-matter.
- 二、行政管理的领域是一种事务性的领域，它与政治领域的那种混乱和冲突相距甚远。 II.The field of administration is a field of business. It is removed from the hurry and strife of politics;
- 3．断定发展这种研究所需要的最佳方法以及我们用来进行这种研究所需要的最清楚的政治概念。 III. To determine just what are the best methods by which to develop it, and the most clarifying political conceptions to carry with us into it.
- 三、当对行政学研究的题材和目标作了某种程度的考察以后，那么关于最适合于这种研究的方法以及对于它最有用的观点是什么，我们将得出怎样的结论呢？ III.Having thus viewed in some sort the subject-matter and the objects of this study of administration, what are we to conclude as to the methods best suited to it—the points of view most advantageous for it?
- “从前，当一个专制君主想统治一个边远省份时，他便派出一名骑着高头大马的总督，其他人则骑在矮小的马匹上；如果这位总督不派某些人回来汇报他正在作些什么，君主便很少听到这位总督的信息，不可能采取重大的监督措施，信息的来源是普通的谣传和临时性的报告。如果可以肯定这个省份管理得不好，将前一任总督召回，另派一位总督接替他的职位。在文明国家，程序则与此不同：人们在想要进行统治的省份中建立一个机构，要求该机构书写和抄录文件，每天向圣彼得堡的首脑机关递交八份报告。如果在首都没有人进行汇总工作，对省里人的工作进行“检查”，看他是否作得正确，在省里也不可能有人作汇总工作。这种作法的后果是加给各种首脑机构大量的阅读资料和繁重的工作。只有具备最大的先天能力，经过最有效的训练，具有最坚决、最有持久性的勤奋精神的人才有可能完成这些工作。” In early times, when a despot wishes to govern a distant province, he sends down a satrap on a grand horse, and other people on little horses; and very little is heard of the satrap again unless he send back some of the little people to tell what he has been doing. No great labour of superintendence is possible. Common rumour and casual report are the sources of intelligence. If it seems certain that the province is in a bad state, satrap No. I is recalled, and satrap No. 2 sent out in his stead. In civilized countries the process is different. You erect a bureau in the province you want to govern; you make it write letters and copy letters; it sends home eight reports per diem to the head bureau in St. Petersburg. Nobody does a sum in the province without some one doing the same sum in the capital, to ""check"" him, and see that he does it correctly. The consequence of this is, to throw on the heads of departments an amount of reading and labour which can only be accomplished by the greatest natural aptitude, the most efficient training, the most firm and regular industry.
- 在政府工作方面如同在道德领域一样，最最困难的事情莫过于取得进步了。在过去，这种现象的原因在于，作为统治者的单一的个人通常都是自私、无知而又胆怯的，或者是愚蠢的——尽管偶尔也有个别聪明人。而在今天，原因则在于，统治者是许多人，是人民，并没有我们可以与之说话的单一的耳朵，他们是自私、无知、胆怯、固执或者是愚蠢的，并且这是一种由数以千计的人群所构成的自私、无知、固执和胆怯——尽管其中有数以百计的人是聪明的。在以往，改革者的有利条件是统治的思想有一个确定的发生地，即它存在于一个人的头脑之中，因而这种思想是可以弄清楚的。虽然这也是改革者的不利条件，这个头脑并不勤于学习或者仅仅学习了很少的东西，或者这个头脑处于某个人的影响之下，而这个影响者只是让它学习一些错误的东西。而今天，情况与此相反，改革者却被下述事实弄得处于迷们之中，那就是统治者的思想并没有确定的发生地，而只不过是存在于千百万个投票人的大多数头脑之中；改革者还被下述事实所困扰着，即这种统治者的思想也同样是被“宠物”所影响的，这种宠物并不是人，仍然只不过是事先就抱有的意见，也就是种种偏见，但它却并不因此就失去这个词旧有的真正含义。偏见是不可以靠理性思考的，因为它们不是理性的产物。 In government, as in virtue, the hardest of things is to make progress. Formerly the reason for this was that the single person who was sovereign was generally either selfish, ignorant, timid, or a fool,-albeit there was now and again one who was wise. Nowadays the reason is that the many, the people, who are sovereign have no single ear which one can approach, and are selfish, ignorant, timid, stubborn, or foolish with the selfishness, the ignorances, the stubbornnesses, the timidities, or the follies of several thousand persons,-albeit there are hundreds who are wise. Once the advantage of the reformer was that the sovereign’s mind had a definite locality, that it was contained in one man’s head, and that consequently it could be gotten at; though it was his disadvantage that the mind learned only reluctantly or only in small quantities, or was under the influence of some one who let it learn only the wrong things. Now, on the contrary, the reformer is bewildered by the fact that the sovereign’s mind has no definite locality, but is contained in a voting majority of several million heads; and embarrassed by the fact that the mind of this sovereign also is under the influence of favorites, who are none the less favorites in a good old-fashioned sense of the word because they are not persons by preconceived opinions; i.e., prejudices which are not to be reasoned with because they are not the children of reason.
- 在一些国家，对于舆论所应有的特权还应进行教育，舆论还没有习惯于按照自己的方式办事。我们这个国家，关于公共舆论的范围这一问题是更有可能得到解决的。在找们这里，公共舆论已经广泛觉醒并且特别注意无论如何都要按自己的方式行事。当你看到一位德国的政治科学教授为了向他的同胞进言；“请你没法对国家大事发表一点意见”，因而写下整整一本书的时候，你会觉得这是十分动人的事情。而对于一个如此谦逊的公众，我们至少可以预见到，他们在认识到自己受到强制，“无”极考虑和讲话的事情上一定会是很温顺和听话的。这种公众可能是反应迟钝的，但却决不会是爱管闲事的。它在试图教导他人之前必然会先同意接受他的教导，它所受的政治教育必然走在它的政治行动之前。而在努力指导我们本国的公众舆论时，我们所要对付的是这样一位学生，他习惯于认为自己早已受到过十分充足的训练。 In those countries in which public opinion has yet to be instructed in its privileges, yet to be accustomed to having its own way, this question as to the province of public opinion is much more ready soluble than in this country, where public opinion is wide awake and quite intent upon having its own way anyhow. It is pathetic to see a whole book written by a German professor of political science for the purpose of saying to his countrymen, ""Please try to have an opinion about national affairs""; but a public which is so modest may at least be expected to be very docile and acquiescent in learning what things it has not a right to think and speak about imperatively. It may be sluggish, but it will not be meddlesome. It will submit to be instructed before it tries to instruct. Its political education will come before its political activity. In trying to instruct our own public opinion, we are dealing with a pupil apt to think itself quite sufficiently instructed beforehand.
- 在大多数问题上，它甚至与宪法研究方面那种争议甚多的场面也迥然不同。行政管理作为政治生活的一个组成部分，仅在这一点上与企业办公室所采用的工作方法是社会生活的一部分以及机器是制造品的一部分是一样的。但是行政管理却同时又大大高出于纯粹技术细节的那种单调内容之上，其事实根据就在于通过它的较高原则，它与政治智慧所派生的经久不衰的原理以及政治进步所具有的永恒真理是直接相关联的。 it at most points stands apart even from the debatable ground of constitutional study. It is a part of political life only as the methods of the counting house are a part of the life of society; only as machinery is part of the manufactured product. But it is, at the same time, raised very far above the dull level of mere technical detail by the fact that through its greater principles it is directly connected with the lasting maxims of political wisdom, the permanent truths of political progress.
- 当前，我们完全可以适当地强调一切政府之间的这种实际上存在的相似性，因为在像我们这样的国家里，现在正处于这样的时代：滥用权力现象很容易被一种勇敢、机警、喜欢打听而又善于侦察的公共舆论和一种坚定的大众化的自主性给予揭露和加以制止，这种公共舆论和自主性是前所未有的。我们在认识这一点上显得很迟钝，而要认识这一点是很容易的。不妨设想一下在美国建立一种个人独裁政府的情景，这就如同设想要建立一种全国性的对雷斯的崇拜一样。我们的想象力是太现代化了，我们不适宜于崇拜丰功伟绩。 It is abundantly safe nowadays to insist upon this actual likeness of all governments, because these are days when abuses of power are easily exposed and arrested, in countries like our own, by a bold, alert, inquisitive, detective public thought and a sturdy popular self-dependence such as never existed before. We are slow to appreciate this; but it is easy to appreciate it. Try to imagine personal government in the United States. It is like trying to imagine a national worship of Zeus. Our imaginations are too modern for the feat.
- 正是根据这种理由，我们必须把现阶段的文官制度改革看作只不过是为达到更完善的行政改革的一部序曲。现在我们正在改进任命方法，我们必须继续更适当地调整行政职能，并且规定一些有关行政组织与行政活动的更好办法。因此，文官制度改革只不过是为我们所要进行的工作做一种思想准备。它将通过树立公共机关受到公众信任的神圣尊严，使官场生活中的道德气氛得到在桥。它还通过使机关变得公正不阿的办法，开辟一条机关事务有条有理的道路。通过端正机关工作的动机，文官制度改革有可能使机关改进其工作方法。 It is for this reason that we must regard civil-service reform in its present stages as but a prelude to a fuller administrative reform. We are now rectifying methods of appointment; we must go on to adjust executive functions more fitly and to prescribe better methods of executive organization and action. Civil-service reform is thus but a moral preparation for what is to follow. It is clearing the moral atmosphere of official life by establishing the sanctity of public office as a public trust, and, by making service unpartisan, it is opening the way for making it businesslike. By sweetening its motives it is rendering it capable of improving its methods of work.
- 我知道，在某些忠心耿耿的爱国主义者头脑中存在着一种深深的恐惧，认为研究欧洲制度可能会使人认为某些外国方法比某些美国方法要优越一些。这种恐惧是不难理解的，但是这种看法不会得到任何一个阶层的同意。尤其有必要强调的是应该因此排除一切成见，这些成见反对行政研究中向除了本国之外的一切地方去寻求启示，因为在整个政治学的领域里，我们在使用历史比较法时，似乎没有任何领域要比行政学这一领域更为安全的了。也许形式愈新颖，我们就研究得愈出色。我们将会以更快的速度了解我们自己方法中的特点。如果采取拿我们自己跟自己比较的方式，我们就将永远无法了解我们自己的缺点和优点。我们对于自己制度的表现和程序是太习惯了，因而不能够发现它的真正意义。也许甚至英国的制度也与我们自己的太相象了，因而不能用来作为最有用的例证。总的说来，最好是选择与我们自己完全不同的环境气氛，极其认真地考察例如法国和德国的那些制度。通过这种“媒介物”去观察我们自己的制度，我们就将会像那些在观察我们时不带成见的外国人所能看到的那样去观察我们自己。如果我们只是知道我们自己，那么我们就是一无所知。 It is the more necessary to insist upon thus putting away all prejudices against looking anywhere in the world but at home for suggestions in this study, because nowhere else in the whole field of politics, it would seem, can we make use of the historical, comparative method more safely than in this province of administration. Perhaps the more novel the forms we study the better. We shall the sooner learn the peculiarities of our own methods. We can never learn either our own weaknesses or our own virtues by comparing ourselves with ourselves. We are too used to the appearance and procedure of our own system to see its true significance. Perhaps even the English system is too much like our own to be used to the most profit in illustration. It is best on the whole to get entirely away from our own atmosphere and to be most careful in examining such systems as those of France and Germany. Seeing our own institutions through such media, we see ourselves as foreigners might see us were they to look at us without preconceptions. Of ourselves, so long as we know only ourselves, we know nothing.
- 对于这种情况稍做较深入的观察将会是很有教益的。当然，在提到欧洲政府时，我并没有把英国包括在内。英国并没有拒绝随着时代潮流进行改革。英国只不过是通过程度缓慢的宪政改革，缓和了从一个贵族享有特权的政体演化成具有民主权力的体制这种转变的严厉程度。这种改革并没有阻碍革命，而是把它限制在采取和平途径的范围之内。然而大陆各国长期以来拼命反抗一切改革，他们希望通过缓和专制政府的粗暴程度改变革命的方向。他们希望通过这种作法来完善他们的国家机器，从而消灭一切令人讨厌的摩擦；通过这种作法，以及对被统治者利益的关心，来使政府的措施变得温和，从而使一切起阻碍作用的仇恨得到和解；他们还殷勤而及时通过这种作法来向一切经营事业的阶层提供帮助，从而使国家本身变成一切勤劳人民所不可缺少的东西。最后，他们还给予人民以宪法和公民权利。但是，即使在这些措施之后，他们还是得到许可，以变成家长的身分继续行使其专制权力。他们使自己变得极有效率，从而变得不可缺少；工作极其稳妥，从而不引人注意；极端开明，从而不会受到轻率的质询；极端仁慈，从而不会引起怀疑；极端强大，从而难以对付。所有这一切都需要进行研究，而他们已对此作了认真的研究。 It will be instructive to look into this matter a little more closely. In speaking of European governments I do not, of course, include England. She has not refused to change with the times. She has simply tempered the severity of the transition from a polity of aristocratic privilege to a system of democratic power by slow measures of constitutional reform which, without preventing revolution, has confined it to paths of peace. But the countries of the continent for a long time desperately struggled against all change, and would have diverted revolution by softening the asperities of absolute government. They sought so to perfect their machinery as to destroy all wearing friction, so to sweeten their methods with consideration for the interests of the governed as to placate all hindering hatred, and so assiduously and opportunely to offer their aid to all classes of undertakings as to render themselves indispensable to the industrious. They did at last give the people constitutions and the franchise; but even after that they obtained leave to continue despotic by becoming paternal. They made themselves too efficient to be dispensed with, too smoothly operative to be noticed, too enlightened to be inconsiderately questioned, too benevolent to be suspected, too powerful to be coped with. All this has required study; and they have closely studied it.
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