- 威尔逊行政学之研究中英对照版 A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z
威尔逊行政学之研究中英对照版
- 当然，一切通情达理的选择都将会是支持英国和美国的政治道路，而不是支持任何欧洲国家的道路，我们决不会为了学会普鲁士的行政管理技巧，而愿意具有普鲁土的经历。而且普鲁士特殊的行政管理制度将会把我们彻底闷死。与其变得缺乏独立精神和循规蹈矩，不如毫无训练和自由自在要好得多。虽则如此，但却无法否认还有更好的情况，那就是既具有自由精神而同时又具有非常熟练的实践能力。就是这种理由更为充足的选择，强迫我们去探寻有哪些因素可能会阻碍和耽误我们引进这种非常值得羡慕的行政管理科学。 Of course all reasonable preference would declare for this English and American course of politics rather than for that of any European country. We should not like to have had Prussia’s history for the sake of having Prussia’s administrative skill; and Prussia’s particular system of administration would quite suffocate us. It is better to be untrained and free than to be servile and systematic. Still there is no denying that it would be better yet to be both free in spirit and proficient in practice. It is this even more reasonable preference which impels us to discover what there may be to hinder or delay us in naturalizing this much-to-be-desired science of administration.
- 现代的法国行政管理及其均匀划分行政区域和秩序井然地将办公机关分成等级，如果不是在计划上至少是在实践上来自同样的起因。法国的大革命时期——制宪会议时期——是宪法的“撰写”时期，还不能说成是宪法的“制定”时期。大革命预示着一个发展宪法时期的到来——法国进入了我上面所说的三个时期的第二个时期——但革命本身却并没有创立这样一个时期。大革命中断和动摇了专制主义，但并没有把它摧毁。继法国君主之后，拿破仑行使着这些君主所曾经拥有的不受限制的权力。 Of similar origin was the practice, if not the plan, of modern French administration, with its symmetrical divisions of territory and its orderly gradations of office. The days of the Revolution—of the Constituent Assembly—were days of constitution-writing, but they can hardly be called days of constitution-making. The revolution heralded a period of constitutional development,-the entrance of France upon the second of those periods which I have enumerated,-but it did not itself inaugurate such a period. It interrupted and unsettled absolutism, but it did not destroy it. Napoleon succeeded the monarchs of France, to exercise a power as unrestricted as they had ever possessed.
- 当时，在大洋的这边，我们在政府工作方面却没有碰到重大的困难。作为一个新的国家，并且在其中每一个人都有住房并可找到有报酬的工作，加之政府奉行自由主义原则和在实际的政治活动中运用不受限制的技能。因而长期以来，在行政计划和行政手段方面，我们并没有感到需要给以特别注意。我们自然而然地很少注意欧洲出版界送到我们图书馆中的许多书籍的用处和意义，这些书籍对于处理政府事务的方式和手段进行了深入的研究和艰苦的考察。我们的政府如同一个身强力壮的小伙子一样，其机能已经得到发展，身材已经长大，但在动作方面却变得笨拙了。其精力和年龄的增长，都已和其所具有的生活技能不相适应。它得到了力量，但却不具备相应的行为。因此，跟欧洲诸国相比，虽然我们在机构发展的顺利和健康状况方面的优越性是很大的，但我们现在却面临着需要进行更加仔细的行政调整和需要具有更加丰富的行政知识的时刻。跟大洋彼岸的诸国相比较，我们正处于一种特别不利的地位。我将努力解释清楚这方面的理由。 On this side the sea we, the while, had known no great difficulties of government. With a new country in which there was room and remunerative employment for everybody, with liberal principles of government and unlimited skill in practical politics, we were long exempted from the need of being anxiously careful about plans and methods of administration. We have naturally been slow to see the use or significance of those many volumes of learned research and painstaking examination into the ways and means of conducting government which the presses of Europe have been sending to our libraries. Like a lusty child, government with us has expanded in nature and grown great in stature, but has also become awkward in movement. The vigor and increase of its life has been altogether out of proportion to its skill in living. It has gained strength, but it has not acquired deportment. Great, therefore, as has been our advantage over the countries of Europe in point of ease and health of constitutional development, now that the time for more careful administrative adjustments and larger administrative knowledge has come to us, we are at a signal disadvantage as compared with the transatlantic nations; and this for reasons which I shall try to make clear.
- 在任何一个进行实际工作的各种各样的政府部门之中，要想弄清楚究竟什么事情是行政管理，又不卷入为数众多的易于混淆的细节和细微的易于迷惑的界限之中，并不是容易的事情。没有一条用以区别行政和非行政职能的界限可以从政府的这个部门划到那个部门，而不用像翻山越岭那样，要跨过其高度使人昏眩的分界群峰和穿过由法律规章所组成的稠密丛林，并且随时随地碰到的都是一些“如果”和“但是”，“既然”与“无论如何”之类的词语，直到这些界限在不习惯于这一类调查方法，并且不熟悉使用进行逻辑识别的经纬仪的人们的眼里变得完全辨别不清时为止。一大难行政管理工作都是“无声无息地”在世界大部分地区进行着，而这些行政管理工作现在是一会儿被政治“管理”、－会儿被宪法原则弄得混乱不堪。 One cannot easily make clear to every one just where administration resides in the various departments of any practicable government without entering upon particulars so numerous as to confuse and distinctions so minute as to distract. No lines of demarcation, setting apart administrative from non-administrative functions, can be run between this and that department of government without being run up hill and down dale, over dizzy heights of distinction and through dense jungles of statutory enactment, hither and thither around ""ifs"" and ""buts,"" ""whens"" and ""’howevers,"" until they become altogether lost to the common eye not accustomed to this sort of surveying, and consequently not acquainted with the use of the theodolite of logical discernment. A great deal of administration goes about incognito to most of the world, being confounded now with political ""management,"" and again with constitutional principle. Perhaps this ease of confusion may explain such utterances as that of Niebuhr’s: ""Liberty,"" he says, ""depends incomparably more upon administration than upon constitution."" At first sight this appears to be largely true. Apparently facility in the actual exercise of liberty does depend more upon administrative arrangements than upon constitutional guarantees; although constitutional guarantees alone secure the existence of liberty. But—upon second thought—is even so much as this true? Liberty no more consists in easy functional movement than intelligence consists in the ease and vigor with which the limbs of a strong man move. The principles that rule within the man, or the constitution, are the vital springs of liberty or servitude. Because independence and subjection are without chains, are lightened by every easy-working device of considerate, paternal government, they are not thereby transformed into liberty. Liberty cannot live apart from constitutional principle; and no administration, however perfect and liberal its methods, can give men more than a poor counterfeit of liberty if it rest upon illiberal principles of government.
- 我们的职责在于，给“联邦”组织、给系统之中的系统，提供尽可能最好的生活。使得集镇、城市、郡县、各州以及联邦政府的日子都过得同样充实，同样在健康方面有保证，使上述每一方都毫无疑问能够保持自己主人翁的地位，而又使得一切单位都既彼此独立又相互合作，把独立和相互帮助结合起来，这是一个足以使最优秀的人物都向往的伟大而又重要的任务。 Our duty is, to supply the best possible life to a federal organization, to systems within systems; to make town, city, county, state, and federal governments live with a like strength and an equally assured healthfulness, keeping each unquestionably its own master and yet making all interdependent and co-operative combining independence with mutual helpfulness. The task is great and important enough to attract the best minds.
- 我们自己的政策应该成为一切理论的试金石。作为美国行政科学之基础的原则，应该是在实质上有包含民主政策的原则。并且，“为了适合美国人的习惯，一切普遍性理论作为理论来说，应该不仅是在公开的论证中，并且在我们的思想上，都有节制地限制在特定背景的范围内——以免那些仅仅按图书馆标准来说可以称得上是满意的意见，将会被教条式地加以运用，仿佛它们按实际政治的标准来说也一定同样是令人满意的。首先需要进行的是试验性的实践而不是教条式的设计。那些不仅被其它国家的肯定性经验所认可，并且也与美国习惯相契合的种种安排，必须毫不犹豫地优先从理论上进行完善。简而言之，稳重而且实际的法国才应该放在首位，而把闭门造车式的理论摆在次要的地位。世界的“作什么”永远应该由美国式的“如何作”所支配。 Our own politics must be the touchstone for all theories. The principles on which to base a science of administration for America must be principles which have democratic policy very much at heart. And, to suit American habit, all general theories must, as theories, keep modestly in the background, not in open argument only, but even in our own minds,-lest opinions satisfactory only to the standards of the library should be dogmatically used, as if they must be quite as satisfactory to the standards of practical politics as well. Doctrinaire devices must be postponed to tested practices. Arrangements not only sanctioned by conclusive experience elsewhere but also congenial to American habit must be preferred without hesitation to theoretical perfection. In a word, steady, practical statesmanship must come first, closet doctrine second. The cosmopolitan what-to-do must always be commanded by the American how-to-do-it.
当前第1页 共1页
跳转到第
页
最后更新
